Architecture

= = = = Moche was a warlike state that expanded its authority to cover around 320 km of coastal territory in what is today northern Peru (Kubler 1984: 383). The two imposing structures located near the coast in the Moche river valley: Huaca del Sol (Pyramid of the Sun) and Huaca de la Luna (Pyramid of the Moon) (Sanders 2004:138) clearly demonstrate the power and large scale organizational capabilities that allowed the Moche to dominate the upper north region of the Andes. However, as I will demonstrate in this section, the exertion of pressure was just as much directed inwards as it was out; archaeological evidence will reveal that the government of the Moche state had a curious preoccupation with the regulation of society through architecture and urban planning. This is further magnified by evidence of through government involvement in construction that extended beyond the public projects. ARCHITECTURE AND RELIGION ** In order to fully appreciate the Moche civilization in its use of architecture as a mechanism of social control, it is necessary to consider architecture in a religious context. Drawing from scenes represented in Moche iconography, it can be suggested that human sacrifice was the single most important ritual in Moche religion. Annie Marie Hocquenghem contends that Moche iconographic representations demonstrate a correlation with the Inca ceremonial calendar (2008:24-26); the dominant ritual of with, is human sacrifice. Sacrifice was a vital ritual to the Inca, as it functioned to maintain the existence of powerful entities that animated and sustained humans, animals and plants (Hocquenghem 2008: 25). If Hocquenghem is correct in assuming the similarity between Inca and Moche religion, it can also be assumed that human sacrifice was a matter of survival for the Moche people. The importance of sacrifice in Moche religion, I feel, also demonstrates the high precedence taken by religion and the fulfillment of ritual obligations in Moche society. Keeping this in mind, it is no surprise that so much energy was expended in corporate architecture such as Huaca de la Luna, where evidence for large scale sacrifice has been found (Hocquenghem 2008: 37). Such corporate projects were likely as much a part of ritual obligation as sacrifice, and the rituals carried out by the elites were surely magnified by the Architecture, and in effect, reinforcing each other in their sacredness. This combination of ritual and architecture would certainly serve as a powerful mechanism for social control. The sanctity of architecture in Moche society can be further substantiated by the depiction of architecture in iconography, as well as the frequent appearance of architecture as a theme in ceramics (Benson 2008: 6). It is interesting to note, however, that Huaca del Sol, which is much larger than Huaca de la Luna, likely functioned less as a religious structure in comparison. It is believed to have served as a dwelling for the ruling elites, and a center for secular activities such as business and administration (Sanders 2004:138). Still, based on iconographic representations, the elites of Moche society undoubtedly were of great religious importance; thus, the corporate construction of the Huaca del Sol, as well as other government buildings, was likely a religious obligation. ADOBE AS A SYMBOL OF AUTHORITY ** According to Izumi Shimada, who conducted research at the site of Pampa Grande, adobe brick was the preferred building material for public and elite architecture, in which larger portions of these structures would consist of adobe bricks; whereas, residential architecture of non-elites used less adobe brick and more stone or other available building material (1994: 158). I can then be assumed that adobe bricks were of some importance to the Moche elites; therefore I presume that symbolic and religious values were ascribed to adobe bricks, and symbolize government as well. Indeed, the heavy use of adobe bricks, as stated above, seemed to be revered for structures associated with the elites. Shimada describes this large scale use adobe bricks as being “not just for the sake of appearance; it also symbolized political power over a labor force that probably encompassed various ethnic groups” (1994: 158). Further evidence for this can be found at Huaca del Sol, in which many of the adobe bricks used in its construction have been marched by makers’s signs. About 100 different maker’s signs have been identified. Bricks of the same sign tend to appear together in sections of the huaca, and it is likely that these signs represent individual communities that were responsible for the construction of specific sections of the huaca using the adobe bricks made in their own community (Sanders 2004:138). Nicolas J. Sanders describes this activity as a kind of “labor tax” (2004: 138). I believe that this act of paying tribute with bricks and labor reinforces the perception of the adobe brick as symbol of sanctity and authority. Shimada argues that the site of Pampa Grande demonstrate a kind of urban planning that is designed to regulate movement. He first points to the manner in which the network of roads and corridors are set up, in that they appear to segregate the different sectors of the site. These roads also happen to be very narrow; some were so narrow that two adults would have trouble passing one another. Shimada suggests that the more constricted passage ways may have been one way. There were also platforms and terraces situated in peculiar places, as if to supervise traffic, and conclude that the road network and these platforms were planned in such a way that it discouraged people form casually moving between sectors (1994: 154). It can perhaps be assumed then, that access to certain sectors of the site was restricted depending on class, and the urban planning at Pampa Grande made it possible for elites to regulate access to the different sectors. Similar mechanisms for control can be seen at the site of Galindo that show a clear segregation of the various sectors of the site, which can be observed clearly by looking at the layout of the buildings with the map of the site. There exists, also, a series of large walls at the site as well. John Topic and Theresa Topic interpret the presence of these walls as a clear evidence of defensive fortification at Galindo, designed to protect against outside attack (Moore 1996: 63). Garth Bawden, however, based on his 1971-73 excavation of Galindo, believes the function of the wall to be that of social control (Moore 1996: 60). Bawden has observed considerable variation between the architecture of the segregated residential areas that he has identified. Two such areas, which he has named Areas A and D, have been identified as the elite areas in the settlement, the architecture of these areas being of high quality and located on reasonably level ground. These areas were also situated to allow convenient access to public architecture (Bawden 1982). Two more areas designated as Areas B and C has been recognized by Bawden as the poorest groups. And although architecture at Area C appear to be of higher quality, based on the artifacts recovered from the two areas, there appears to be no difference in wealth between the residents at Area B and Area C. Furthermore, both residential areas have been constructed on uneven ground. The difference, however, is the much smaller size of Area C, and its close proximity to the corporate storage facilities. In addition, these storage facilities are situated in such a way that it suggests a desire to restrict access. Residents of Area C, on the other hand, have easy access to the storage. This leads Bawden to believe that Area C residents were servants responsible for storage related work and the better architecture was due to the occupational difference; therefore, there was probably no difference between the social class of residents at Areas B and C. Bawden contends that the large walls in question are designed to restrict only the movement of residents in Area B, restricting access to other areas of the settlement such as the storage facility and public architecture (1982). This is in agreement with the location of the equally poor residents of Area C. And the easy access to public architecture enjoyed by elite residents. With these considerations, it is quite clear that urban planning was used intentionally for the social control of the lowest class.  ** References: ** Bawden, Garth. 1982 Community Organization Reflected by the Household: A Study of Pre-Columbian Social Dynamics. Journal of Field Archaeology,165-181. Benson, Elizabeth P. 2008 Iconography Meets Archaeology. In The Art and Archaeology of the Moche, by Steve Bourget and Kimberly L Jones, 1-21. Austin: University of Texas Press. Hocquenghem, Anne Marie. 2008 Sacrifices and Ceremonial Calendars. In The Art and Archaeology of the Moche, by Steve Bourget and Kimberly L Jones, 23-42. Austin: University of Texas Press. Kubler, George. 1984 The Art and Architecture of Ancient America. Kingsport: Kingsport Press. Moore, Jerry D. 1996 Architecture and Power in the Ancient Andes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Saunders, Nicholas J. 2004 Ancient Americas. Gloucestershire: Sutton Publishing. Shimada, Izumi. 1994 Pampa Grande and the Mochica Culture. Austin: University of Texas Press.
 * Moche Architecture and Urban Planning as Mechanisms of Control **
 * by Kenji Sakino **
 * [[image:2304483354_1ec8d34b36.jpg caption="Moche Decapitator"]]
 * [[image:huaca-del-sol.jpg caption="Huaca del Sol"]]
 * URBAN PLANNING AS A MECHANISM FOR CONTROL **